Role of affect and emotions in prejudice

Role of affect and emotions in prejudice Prejudice is an intriguing topic in social psychology. Most studies focus on its cognitive and social representations and rarely do people notice the significance of affect in prejudice. In this essay, the focus of interest is on affect and emotions as a theoretical base in understanding prejudice. The role of emotions in intergroup processes and prejudice is explored, coupled with the discussion on the antecedents, nature, and consequences of intergroup emotions, which is illustrated by the specificity of intergroup emotions and its resulting behavioral tendencies. The relationship between intergroup emotion and intergroup forgiveness also shed light on devising strategies to reduce prejudice. Prejudice is a preconceived judgment towards a group and its members (Myers, 2010). This evaluation can be either positive or negative. In the intergroup context, prejudice is a group-based attitude elicited by intergroup interaction (Smith, 1993). According to ABCs of attitudes, Myers states that attitude is composed by affect (feelings), behavior tendency (inclination to act) and cognition (beliefs). Affect plays an important role in prejudice (attitude). To differentiate prejudice, discrimination and stereotype in simple terms, prejudice is an attitude, discrimination is a behavior, and stereotype is a belief towards a group and its individual members. They intertwine with one another. Prejudice and stereotype are neutral in comparison to discrimination which often refers to negative behavior attributed to prejudicial attitudes. To study intergroup processes, emotion is narrowed down to intergroup emotion while groups are divided into ingroups and outrgoups. Intergroup emotion is an emotion in the intergroup context. It includes emotions felt towards ones own group and emotions felt towards the outgroup. The role of emotions in intergroup processes lies in emotions provoking peoples reactions and responses to outgroups, which in turn affects intergroup relations. The antecedents of intergroup emotions are (1) group membership, (2) intergroup interactions and (3) appraisals. Firstly, group membership can be explained by self-categorization theory, self-discrepancy theory and social identity theory. According to the self-categorization theory (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher Wetherell, 1987), people define themselves in personal terms and in terms of group memberships in the social context. When people identify themselves as group members, this ingroup membership becomes part of the self; this extended social self (group) makes group membership and intergroup interactions evoke emotional responses (Mackie Smith, 2002). According to the self-discrepancy theory, people often match their actual self with their ideal self and ought self. The greater the discrepancy between the matches, the greater the psychological discomfort. This is an emotion felt towards ones self and group. Mackie and Smith think that negative emotions are aroused when people p erceive the attributes of their ingroup do not correspond to those they wish or believe their ingroup ought to possess. Mackie and Smith give examples of dejection-related emotions including dissatisfaction, disappointment, sadness and hopelessness while agitation-related emotions include apprehension, nervousness, tension, threatenedness and uneasiness. Social identity theory (Brown, 2000) proposes ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation. In other words, ingroup love may extend to outgroup hatred. Ingroup identification can give rise to hostile reactions to outgroups in forms of prejudice and discrimination. This illustrates an emotion one felt towards the outgroup. Social Identity Theory is an example of ingroup bias resulting from ones purpose to enhance self-esteem by increasing the positivity of ingroups and the negativity of outgroups. Another manifestation of intergroup bias is realistic conflict theory, an ingroup bias which stems from hostility in response to a competiti ve and threatening outgroup (Shah, Brazy Higgins, 2002). The regulatory and affective needs are fulfilled through ingroup bias. Secondly, intergroup interaction is antecedent to intergroup emotions. The nature of specific interactions between groups acts as a source of differentiated affective reactions (Mackie Smith, 2002). For example, interactions that produce positive affect can promote the liking of further interaction with outgroup members. This shows the nature of interaction between groups as a determinant of emotions. This is further explored in the following discussion on intergroup relations. Thirdly, appraisals are also antecedent to intergroup emotions. Devos, Silver, Mackie and Smith (2002) describe the appraisal theories of emotion as a situation or an event can bring about emotions when the individual concerns, goals and motives are favored or harmed. Appraisals are a configuration of cognitions or beliefs, which triggers emotions. Ingroup emotions are triggered by group-based appraisals. For instance, if the social identity or integrity of the ingroup is threatened by the outgroup, the ingroup members may experience fear and anxiety. Appraisals cause emotions, which in turn correspond to its specific action tendencies. The nature of intergroup emotions lies in intergroup relations. Intergroup relations can be exemplified by integrated threat theory and image theory. Integrated threat theory reflects the role of threat in intergroup relations. Stephan and Renfro (2002) focus on four types of threat-realistic threats, symbolic threats, intergroup anxiety and negative stereotyping. Realistic threats are threats to the group welfare including threats to the ingroup wellbeing. Stephan and Renfro (2002) propose that the concept of realistic threats comes from realistic group conflict theory, which argues that competition for limited resources giving rise to outgroup prejudice so realistic threats can have a broader denotation meaning any threat to the group welfare, not just competition for limited resources. Symbolic threat is an intangible threat to the ingroup values and beliefs. According to Dovidio and Gaertner (1996), intergroup anxiety includes discomfort, apprehension, fear and disgust owing to t he expectation of negative results in intergroup interactions. Stephan and Renfro (2002) believe that there are negative psychological outcomes (embarrassment), negative behavioral outcomes (exploitation or physical harm) and negative evaluations by the both ingroup and outgroup members. Negative stereotypes are simplifications and guidelines for social interactions leading people think the outgroup behaves detrimentally to the ingroup. In the integrated theory, the above four threats are considered to cause outgroup prejudice, which includes negative affect associated with outgroups arousing negative emotions like dislike, disapproval and hatred towards the outgroup. Stephan and Renfro (2002) believe that the antecedents of threats stem from strong identification with the ingroup, frequent negative contact with outgroup members, disparities in the status of the two groups and ignorance of the outgroup. On the flip side, the image theory describes intergroup emotions on the basis of relationship patterns and outgroup images. Relationship pattern are described in terms of goal compatibility, status equality and power equality. Thus, an outgroup image is formed corresponding to the relationship pattern, thereby arousing specific intergroup emotions and behavioral orientation. There are two symmetric images where the two groups involved perceive the intergroup relations in the same way. Brewer and Alexander (2002) describe enemy image as an intense competition between two groups similar in power and status with incompatible goals. This intergroup relationship produces a feeling of threat. This arouses an affect of anger and prompts a behavioral tendency to eradicate the threat by containment or attack. Ally image is characterized with goal compatibility, equal status and power between groups (Brewer Alexander, 2002). This produces an image of nonthreatening with positive attributes. Hence, emotions like admiration and trust are generated and it facilitates the behavioral inclination of intergroup cooperation. Apart from the aforesaid, there are asymmetric relationships having mutually incompatible intergroup goal interdependence and differing in power and status. Barbarian image arises when the relationship has incompatible goals with the ingroup having lower status but higher power. The outgroup is then seen as evil and destructive. Affects like fear and intimidation are likely to be experienced by the ingroup so its behavioral orientation tends to adopt a defensive protection. When the ingroup is weaker and lower in status, sentiments like jealousy and resentment towards the outgroup are elicited. Behavioral orientation like resistance or rebellion is expected. This associates with the imperialist image. Expressing and decoding emotions also play a part in intergroup relations. Emotional interactions between people involve feeling, expressing and perceiving (Leyens, Demoulin, Desert, Vaes Philipot, 2002). If one of the above goes wrong, intergroup relations is likely to be jeopardized and prejudice will arise. Inadequate expressions and decoding of emotions may harm the intergroup interaction, leading to reciprocal misunderstandings at the level of feeling, expressing and perceiving. Such misunderstanding makes ingroup members fear, prevent or reject subsequent encounters with outgroup members. Hence, a vicious cycle is formed and it reinforces existing prejudice and discrimination. Based on the above discussion on the antecedents and nature of intergroup emotions, people experience emotions on behalf of their own group as they see themselves as a group member and others as fellow group members. These emotions make people manifest specific behavioral tendencies like collective action, effort in improvement of the intergroup relations and so on. Prejudice, stereotypes and discrimination are also consequences of intergroup emotions. Specific emotions also correspond to different patterns of behavioral tendencies. Action tendency refers to the impulses or inclinations toward a particular action. In the intergroup context, group-based appraisals of the situation or event often trigger specific intergroup emotions, which in turn trigger particular action tendencies and promote certain behaviors. According to Devos, Silver, Mackie and Smith (2002), fear and anxiety prompt ingroup members to keep away from the outgroup while anger generates a motivation to attack or ag gress the outgroup; disgust and contempt trigger avoidance and separation while resentment and frustration spark off resistance and actions against the outgroup. These behavioral tendencies result from intergroup emotions. The specificity of intergroup emotions and behavioral tendencies can be explained by Intergroup Emotions Theory (IET). IET is grounded on self-categorization-the mental representations of self and group. When group membership is rooted in the self-concept, individuals care about situations and events concerning the group. This demonstates the emotional significance in intergroup situations. According to Devos, Silver, Mackie and Smith (2002), ingroup members often develop fear towards a threatening and powerful outgroup; group conflicts generate anger; frustration shows up when the goals and actions of ingroup are blocked by outgroup. An outgroup violating moral standards breeds disgust. Resentment results on seeing outgroup enjoying underserved benefits. Specific inclinations of behavior t follow suit. Anger and frustration cause resistance and aggression. Fear can prompt ingroup protection and escape from the disadvantaged situation. Disgust and contempt deter interactions with an outgroup. Mackie and Smith (2002) believe that there is a limitation for predicting corresponding behaviors. The prediction can only be an action tendency rather than a concrete behavior because actual behaviors are constrained by situational factors and social norms. Action tendencies are deduced from affects and emotions so they can only represent an impulse or intention of actions. Mackie and Smith gave an example stating the constraint of situation factors concerning the presence of an outgroup or the means for the ingroup to act accordingly. Further example of social norms is that an ingroup having an inclination to attack and aggress the outgroup cannot display their aggression and act out due to social sanctions. Mackie and Smith suggest that an action tendency can be fulfilled by different concrete behaviors. For example, aggression can be elicited in terms of verbal aggression or physical aggression, which can prompt many other alternative concrete behaviors. On the other hand, the correlation between intergroup emotions and intergroup forgiveness is worthy-of-note. Noor, Brown and Prentice (2008) define intergroup forgiveness as a process which involves making a decision to learn new aspects about one-self and ones group-ones emotions, thoughts, and capability to inflict harm on others. This reflection on intergroup emotions and intergroup relations does not mean to devalue the severity and consequences of misdeeds, but to reverse the negativity of affect between the groups. Intergroup emotions play an important role in the willingness to engage in forgiveness. Emotions like pity, guilt and sympathy can melt peoples heart of stone and motivate them to forgive. Experiencing empathy (compassion and sympathy) for an individual outgroup member can produce more positive attitudes towards the outgroup as a whole, thereby enabling forgiveness. Nevertheless, the willingness to forgive is difficult to achieve at the group level. Noor, Brown and P rentice (2008) illustrate that some group members may be willing to forgive the outgroup but they might withhold or withdraw their forgiveness in fear of shaking their ingroup loyalty. The above correlation between intergroup emotions and intergroup forgiveness sheds light on devising strategies to reduce prejudice. Intergroup forgiveness can be seen as a crucial step towards reconciliation. Intergroup reconciliation is much more than conflict resolution and the cessation of conflict. Intergroup forgiveness can motivate the ingroup to view the world from the outgroups perspective and standpoint with the intention to clarify misunderstandings, address mutual concerns and eliminate prejudice. The role of contact in reducing prejudice lies in promoting positive affects and intergroup friendship. Mackie and Smith (2002) discover that the number of acquaintances has an effect on prejudice, which is significantly mediated by prejudice. Their research analysis discovers that acquaintances reduced negative emotions and increased positive emotions, both of which reduced prejudice. Mackie and Smith discover that the closeness of the relationship can significantly reduce prejudice when participants are aware of different group membership. Oskamp (2000) proposes the motivational approach of reducing feelings of threat from an outgroup, demonstrating that the outcomes of ingroups and outgroups are interdependent, and accentuating that each individual is accountable for intergroup events. This strategy corresponds to the Integrated Threat Theory and tackles some of the antecedents of threat like disparities in the status of the two groups. An antecedent of threat like frequent negative contact with outgroup members can be tackled by promoting favorable and rewarding intergroup contact to reduce prejudice. Another antecedent of threat like ignorance of the outgroup can be compensated by eliminating misunderstandings. This involves the appropriate expression and decoding of emotions between groups. Due to the illusion of transparency, most people have an impression that their expression of emotions is especially transparent for outgroups, but they are in fact less accurately perceived. This communication gap hinders favora ble intergroup contact and reinforces existing prejudice. Hence, ingroup members may need to pay extra efforts to show their emotions to outgroupers to prevent prejudice. Myers (2010) suggests we can use guilt to motivate ourselves to break the prejudice habit. It is applicable in terms of collective guilt which urges collective action serving to change existing intergroup relations, correct past injustices and reduce ongoing inequality. As unequal status breeds prejudice, seeking cooperative and equal-status relationships can help reduce prejudice (Myers, 2010). The antecedent of threat-strong identification with the ingroup leads to ingroup bias (intergroup bias). This bias can be reduced by fostering a sense of belonging with outgroup members to satisfy peoples affective needs. This corresponds to our understanding of the social identity theory that explains ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation. This sense of belonging arouses positive emotions of love, support and liking, in order to reduce negative prejudice. To wrap up, the role of affect and emotions in prejudice cannot be underestimated. It is significant to grasp an understanding of correlations and causal relationships among affect, emotions, intergroup processes, intergroup emotions, behavioral tendencies, intergroup forgiveness and prejudice. With these understandings, affective aspect of prejudice can eventually be tackled and reduced. (2500 words)

From the Immigrants

The Emigrants by Edward Kamau Brathwaite The poem from The Emigrants by Edward Kamau Brathwaite is the thoughts of an indigenous inhabitant, the persona, thinking of the invasion that has been so abruptly brought upon them which they must now face. We know that the persona is one of the inhabitants because in line four and twelve, the repetition of â€Å"my† personalizes what is happening, coming from an inhabitant’s perspective. The themes perception versus reality, power, discovery and war throughout the poem explain and break down the content of the poem.Columbus, an explorer is searching for new lands for Queen Elizabeth, these tie in with the themes of discovery and power. He is discovers a new land that is inhabited by a race that he had never come across before. Lines eleven and twelve continue to tie in with the theme power, â€Å"deck watched heights he hoped for, rocks he dreamed, rise solid from my simple water. † Columbus believes that by discovering this new land he will not only obtain power and glory and riches from the Queen but also much more that he can obtain from this land.War and danger are also major themes in this poem. â€Å"As he watched the shore, the slaughter that his soldiers†¦Ã¢â‚¬  this shows us that Columbus’ invasion brought death and suffering to the inhabitants as they tried to protect themselves. Furthermore while referring to how the island tried to defend itself, the poet talks of the response of Mother Nature towards the invasion. â€Å"Parrots screamed†, emphasizes not only the disruption of nature but also how the parrots may have reacted to defend their habitat.In addition, â€Å"birds harshly hawking, without fear† and â€Å"Crabs snapped their claws† both continue to show the response of the natural habitat towards the invasion and how they will defend their land, showing Columbus that he is not welcome. For this reason, Columbus men retaliate and fight the indig enous people’s defense resulting in all out war. These themes slowly flow into a major theme, perception versus reality. In stanza twenty one the last four lines of this stanza are significant, â€Å"What did this journey mean, this ew world mean: dis- covery? Or a return to terrors he had sailed from. Known before? † These lines are significant because, Columbus has just left Spain after Spain is experiencing political controversies and he perceives that by discovering new land he will escape from this and hopefully put a stop to these fights within Spain’s empire.However, when Columbus discovers this land that is already inhabited and that he must now fight for it, the true reality is that he has left one fight, in Spain, to enter another, in this â€Å"new world. In the poem from The Emigrants its form gives us an idea of what actions are going to take place or are already taking place. The form of the poem is free verse, in addition, there is little punctua tion and the lines of the poem are broken up. The poet’s decision to use little punctuation gives an idea that the persona, an indigenous inhabitant of the island, is having continuous thoughts of ideas and actions of this abrupt invasion of Columbus and his people.This also ties in with the poem’s main form, free verse, the poem’s content, the persona’s thoughts are fluently and freely being stated mentally. Figuratively speaking, in a way, as each thought or idea comes to the persona’s mind, the poet quickly takes note of it. In addition, the poem is breaking into many stanzas also ties in with the above statements. An example of this can be seen in lines thirty four and thirty five where the word â€Å"discovery† is broken after its first syllable and carried on to the next line, â€Å"new world mean: dis- covery?Or a return to terrors. Even though throughout the poem the stanzas are broken apart mid sentence, these lines are not only si gnificant because they are broken apart by a word but also because it helps emphasize and symbolize the disruption and destruction that has been brought upon the island. Throughout the poem the poet uses many figurative. Such devices are onomatopoeia, alliteration, repetition, oxymoron and irony. An example of repetition can be seen in lines ten and twenty five â€Å"Columbus from his after-†, it is repetition because both lines are exactly the same.In addition, some examples of onomatopoeia and alliteration can be seen in lines seven â€Å"flapping flag†, eight â€Å"harshly hawking† and thirty eight â€Å"splashing silence. † These are examples of onomatopoeia because flapping, hawking and splashing are all sounds while the phrases are also examples of alliteration because respectively, there is the repetition of the f, h and s consonants. However, â€Å"splashing silence† is not only an example of onomatopoeia and alliteration but it is also an example of oxymoron. An oxymoron is where contradictory terms are joined together to form a phrase or statement. Splashing silence is an oxymoron because it is contradicting itself, where â€Å"splashing† makes a sound and whereas when there is â€Å"silence† there are no hearable sounds. As stated in the previous paragraph where there is a case of the word â€Å"discovery† breaking apart after its first syllable, it is also a form of irony. It is ironic because you can’t discover something that has already been discovered and is now being inhabited by a different race. It can also be interpreted cynically, where the writer can be seen as cynical towards Columbus and his actions.

An Analysis of the Watergate Crisis Essay

The Watergate crisis or scandal shrouded America with an attitude of pessimism. From the people involved and the meaning of the controversy then and now, the Watergate crisis rocked the world with political conflicts and power abuse. It also involved crimes such as obstruction of justice, conspiracy, cover up, lying under oath, espionage, burglary, and concealment of evidence. The scandal was named after the Watergate hotel complex in Washington that housed the rival of President Nixon’s Republican Party, the Democratic Party. The crisis was so powerful that it resulted in the resignation of President Nixon, indictment of the President and his men, and significant media and political effects. The scandal started out with classified documents, clumsy thefts, and a trail of crimes pointing directly to Nixon’s re-election committee. Thereafter, the crisis did not stop at the tactless White House personnel or the famous President’s men. It continued all the way to Nixon himself which caused him his Oval Office. It was perceived as a political crisis created by a leader’s greed, cruelty and paranoia. Ultimately, history accounted that Nixon’s own evil foe was not his political opponents but himself. It was chronicled by several books, articles, and official and federal documents, as well as a Redford-Hoffman movie in 1976. The Watergate scandal served not only as previous catalysts of American political, social and moral changes but now more as reminders or guiding principles of American lives. Historical Summary In the history of American presidential politics, the Watergate incident was taken as the most grave and peculiar crisis or scandal. This is because of the apparent direct involvement in several crimes of the president himself and his men. In his book, â€Å"The Watergate Crisis,† Genovese (1999) described the scandal as unusual and Nixon as an unusual kind of President of the United States (Genovese, 1999). According to Genovese (1999), the cause of the Watergate scandal can be traced from the negative impacts, such as the factions, of the Vietnam War. Nixon had difficulty getting out from the said divisive war and was eventually faced with various protests. Genovese (1999) added that with pressures to stop the protests and get out of the Vietnam war with respect and dignity intact, Nixon unfortunately created a route filled with â€Å"leak plugging, wiretapping, a secret war in Cambodia, and a series of criminal acts that in the end led to his downfall and fed the already significant erosion of public trust in government† (p. 3). The same Genovese book further said that what used to be a general term that referred to the burglary of the offices of the Democratic National Committee in a Washington hotel complex resulted into various linking terminologies and included beneath it are several crimes. The crisis caused the downfall of Nixon while several highest-ranking government officials were made to serve jail terms, hurting the nation as a result (Genovese, 1999). The Watergate Break-in The Watergate break-in or burglary happened on June 17, 1972 (Sirica, 1979). During his round, a security officer of the Watergate Hotel Complex in Washington D. C. identified as Frank Willis saw a tape covering various locks of different doors in the area. Willis discreetly reported the matter to the police and thereafter, five burglars were arrested. The five men were suspected of illegally wiretapping and stealing classified documents inside the office of the Democratic National Committee or DNC (Sirica, 1979). The suspects were identified in the book of Dickinson, Cross and Polsky (1973) as â€Å"Virgilio Gonzales, Bernard Barker, James W. McCord, Jr. , Eugenio Martinez and Frank Sturgis. † The suspects, later uncovered as former CIA and FBI agents, were â€Å"charged with attempted burglary and attempted interception of telephone and other communications† (Dickinson, Cross & Polsky, 1973). Five men and two other suspects, identified as E. Howard Hunt, Jr. and Gordon Liddy, were accused by a grand jury of â€Å"conspiracy, burglary and violation of federal wiretapping laws† on September 15, 1972. It was also discovered after investigation that the suspects’ goal was to plant a bug in the office of DNC Chairman, Larry O’Brien (Lewis, 1972). A multi-investigation conducted by the U. S. Congress, FBI and media revealed that the direct or indirect connection of the seven suspects to Nixon’s Re-election committee. Nixon initially said that his aides were not involved in the case. The cover-up was later disclosed and exposed irregularities and illegal activities of the Nixon Re-election committee. The results of the investigation concluded that the re-election committee â€Å"received covert campaign funds from big companies, played dirty tricks on Democratic candidates during the 1972 election campaign, attempted to use the FBI and other government agencies against political enemies, and set up a secret group to carry out unlawful activities against political enemies† (cited in Scholastic, 1989). In view of this, America and the world were then convinced of a conspiracy linking the President and his men. The suspects who broke into O’Brien’s office and the President’s men involved were tried and eventually convicted in 1973. The following year, the bungled break-in eventually caused Nixon his position as he resigned as the President of the United States on August 9, 1974 (Scholastic, 1989). The Washington Post Investigation The Watergate scandal was publicized by The Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein through a confidential but reliable source whom they named â€Å"Deep Throat. † An initial headline of â€Å"Five Held in Plot to Bug Democratic Offices Here,† that appeared at the bottom of the newspaper’s page one on Sunday, June 18, 1972, signaled the Washington Post’s investigation. The two young reporters wrote the arrest of a group of former FBI and CIA agents who â€Å"broke into, illegally wiretapped and stole classified documents from the offices of the Democratic National Committee in the Watergate office complex in Washington† (â€Å"The Watergate Story Part 1,† 2008). Bernstein and Woodward were intrigued with the details of the story and the turn of events. Citing police sources, Woodward wrote that the burglars â€Å"came from Miami, wore surgical gloves and carried thousands of dollars in cash† (â€Å"The Watergate Story Part 1,† 2008). The break-in appeared to be â€Å"a professional type operation,† added Woodward (â€Å"The Watergate Story Part 1,† 2008). As told by the Washington post and its reporters, the intriguing yet interesting developments of the story shook Washington for two years, resulted into the resignation of Nixon and eventually created political impacts (â€Å"The Watergate Story Part 1,† 2008). According to an online compilation of the Watergate events posted at the Washington Post’s site, Woodward and Bernstein became part of the various revelatory articles that the said newspaper published. Thereafter, the succeeding Washington Post coverage of the Watergate scandal further exposed the involvement of several of the President’s men and the ultimate link of Nixon and his campaign funds to the various crimes. The newspaper’s account of the scandal also ran the grand jury investigation that identified and indicted â€Å"All the President’s Men† for their respective involvement in the crimes (â€Å"The Watergate Story Part 1,† 2008). A significant mark of the Washington Post and â€Å"Bernstein† reporting of the Watergate scandal was â€Å"Deep Throat. † A confidential source by Woodward, â€Å"Deep Throat† was identified only in 2005 or 33 years later as Mark Felt. He was the second highest-ranking FBI official who at the height of the scandal, confirmed or denied information to the two reporters and guided them to pursue specific leads (â€Å"The Watergate Story Part 1,† 2008). A string of exclusives by Woodward and Bernstein and the determination of Post publisher Katherine Graham to expose the truth made the FBI finally penetrated the White House denials and the conduct of the grand jury investigation. This momentum led to the loss of job, prosecution and conviction of the involved officials of the Nixon administration and ultimately the impeachment against the President and his eventual resignation on August 8, 1974. Nixon’s successor, President Ford, granted the former â€Å"full, free and absolute pardon† one month later (â€Å"The Watergate Story Part 3,† 2008). The Government Investigation The Watergate probe called for the courts, the Congress, and a special prosecutor to investigate its top-to-bottom connections to the White House. According to the same Washington Post online source, the investigation involved Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox, North Carolina Senator Sam Ervin and the FBI. Woodward and Bernstein stories reported the eventual breaking out of Nixon’s men from his administration and the disclosure of events that were linked to the scandal. One example was the revelation of secret tapes that further exposed Nixon’s involvement. The deep connection of Nixon resulted into a firestorm of firings called â€Å"the Saturday Night Massacre. † Amid impeachment against the President, he still denied accusations and stayed in his office (â€Å"The Watergate Story Part 2,† 2008). The Watergate Scandal and Nixon In his book, Genovese (1999) noted that Nixon was a â€Å"complex, multidimensional figure, a man of many contradictions. † (p. 57). Genovese (1999) said that these characteristics of Nixon and the Watergate crisis were manifestations of â€Å"a period of presidential lawlessness unprecedented in American history† (p. 57). Nixon was an example of a president who initially took an oath to â€Å"faithfully execute† the law but eventually went beyond and broke it (Genovese, 1999, p. 69). As a result, the Watergate scandal created several questions about the American constitution and democracy (Genovese, 1999). Nixon’s initial show of defense rooted from the solid support of his men eventually cracked down and led to his televised resignation. During his televised speech, Nixon states, by taking this action, I hope that I will have hastened the start of the process of healing which is so desperately needed in America. I deeply regret any injuries that may have been done in the course of the events that led to this decision. Those who hate you don’t win unless you hate them, and then you destroy yourself (â€Å"The Watergate Story Part 3,† 2008). Ford was sworn into office the next day but pardoned Nixon a month after. The events did not stop there as the influence of the scandal continued. The interconnecting controversies ignited a fresh and lasting doubt about American politics. It created new American political words and made the Congress approve laws concerning campaign finance reforms as well as investigation on the functions of CIA and several agencies of the government. Woodward and Bernstein’s coverage was turned into a book and a hit movie entitled â€Å"All the President’s Men† which instilled American media with a fresh harmful advantage. The scandal brought lasting and immeasurable effects on American politics (â€Å"The Watergate Story Part 3,† 2008). American Politics and Media Genovese (1999) affirmed the impression of Washington Post mentioned previously and stated that the Watergate scandal changed American politics and the issue of presidential corruption (Genovese, 1999). He added that, because of the crisis, the media became more interfering and subjective, the public became more distrustful and indifferent about its government, the relation between the executive and legislative branches of the government became unpleasant and factious and partisan conflicts became more intense (Genovese, 1999). Conclusion The Watergate crisis left profound and detrimental effects on American politics and history in general. It has resulted into distrust among the government officials and a wider gap between the branches of the government. Another effect of the scandal was that it made the succeeding Presidents more susceptible to the criticisms and suggestions of the public. The Nixon presidency has left a mark on the American politics which harmed the present list of presidents. The scandal has undeniably affected the political agenda of the succeeding presidents who were subjected to the scrutiny of the public. Nonetheless, the scandal also has its positive points to remember. These included the upholding of the freedom and power of the press as well as the effectivity of the justice system. By themselves, Nixon and the Watergate Crisis did not cause the degradation of American politics and decline of trust to the government. Incontestably, however, the fallen President and his scandal did remold the public’s view of the American story from one of presumed good goals to one of outstanding hostility. References Dickinson, W. B. & Mercer Cross, B. P. (1973). Watergate: Chronology of a crisis. Washington D. C: Congressional Quarterly, Inc. Genovese, M. A. (1999). The Watergate Crisis.London: Greenwood Press. Lewis, A. E. (1972, June 18). 5 held in plot to bug Democrats’ office here. The Washington Post, A01. Retrieved from http://www. washingtonpost. com/wp-dyn/content/article/2002/05/31/AR2005111001227_pf. html Scholastic, Inc. (1989). The Case of Watergate. The Presidency, Congress, and the Supreme Court. Retrieved April 19, 2008, from Scholastic database. Sirica, J. J. (1979). To set the record straight: The Break-in, the tapes, the conspirators, the pardon. New York: Norton. The Watergate Story Part 1. (2008). The Washington Post. Retrieved April 7, 2008, from http://www. washingtonpost. com/wp-srv/politics/special/watergate/part1. html The Watergate Story Part 2. (2008). The Washington Post. Retrieved April 7, 2008, from http://www. washingtonpost. com/wp-srv/politics/special/watergate/part2. html The Watergate Story Part 3. (2008). The Washington Post. Retrieved April 7, 2008, from http://www. washingtonpost. com/wp-srv/politics/special/watergate/part3. html

Preventing Sexual Diseases During World War I - 1372 Words

jured, they had to believe that the injuries healed naturally. They would not be treated at all, and the wounds would be left untreated, causing more serious illness. For example, there is a woman who had been kicked hardly by a Japanese soldier that causes her arm broke, and it healed twists out of shape. Although comfort women regularly got medical examinations for the purpose of preventing sexual diseases, they could not get any further treatments for other health issues, such as broken bones, injuries from repeated abuse, and sexual intercourse. For these reasons, Japan has caused comfort women serious difficulties along with the miserable suffering from solemn physical injuries. As for comfort women, they had psychological injuries as well, and among this issue, this is more serious than it seems. Many comfort women lived horrific experiences for over five years in comfort stations. Comfort women had seen many friends dying in front of them. They always had to live with f eelings of anger, shame, and fear; whereas, Japanese were. After World War Two, they were literally abandoned, and they could not return to home. Comfort women had to survive by themselves. These heartless memories have aggravated comfort women into depression, stress, social discrimination and speech impediments. Moreover, comfort women suffered Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. PTSD is a trauma caused by a complex combination of mental problems. For instance, this psychological traumaShow MoreRelatedMany Countries/Regions Around The World Strive To Have1033 Words   |  5 PagesMany countries/regions around the world strive to have a peaceful population however this is very rarely achieved. Only eleven countries in the world have no violence or major conflict, and these countries are considered ‘peaceful’. In recent years, the deterioration of global peace has become obvious with 2015 being a bad year for international peace and security. 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